2013/01/12

Whither Capitalism (Market Society)?


 

 

 

Whither Capitalism (Market Society)?

―A Manifesto of the Turning Point

 

    Toshiaki Hirai

 

 

1. Introduction

 

The meltdown of the U.S. financial system is driving almost all the nations of the world into critical conditions. Many financial institutions as well as manufacturing firms have gone bankrupt, which has sent the numbers of unemployed soaring throughout the world. Various governments have made strenuous efforts to surmount the crisis, injecting huge amounts of public money to stabilize their monetary systems, and implementing drastic fiscal policies to cope with massive unemployment.

At the same time, this is a state of affairs that marks a great turning point in the era. For “Neo-Liberalism” (Market Fundamentalism) and the “New Classical School”, which have been predominant over these three decades in social philosophy and economics/economic policy, have collapsed, and governments all over the world are making great efforts to surmount the crisis based on new social philosophy and economics/economic policy.

In the present paper we will see where market society is moving, critically examining social philosophy and economic theory/policy in this tempestuous period. The underlying keyword should be the “manifesto of the turning point”, meaning by this the appearance of the modern version of the Keynes-Beveridge System (to the effect that if it is left to itself, the capitalistic system would bring about much unemployment and insufficient social security: hence the onus on the government to secure full employment and sufficient social security).

 

 

2. Turning Point of the Present World

― Current Situation and Economic Policy

                       

Current Situation At present the meltdown of the bubbled economy ignited by the collapse of sub-prime loans is driving American mega banks and investment banks to the brink of bankruptcy. And since sub-prime loans were aimed at millions of low-income earners, the meltdown of the finance bubble has cut the ground from under their feet through foreclosure and the collapse of home equity loans and credit card loans, resulting in agreat slump in consumption (the symbolic scene is the plight of the Big Three). Many firms declining into underperformance have carried out large-scale restructuring, resulting in millions of unemployed. Thus the phenomenon very similar to the “Lost Decade of Japan” – the collapse of the real estate bubble, the disruption of the financial system, and injections of huge amounts of public funds by the central bank – has emerged, differing in the issue of billions of multi-layered securitized papers and global-scale economic crises.

Because the economic meltdown occurred in the US which acts as the center of the world economy, the impact has spread throughout the world: A vast quantity of US securitized papers were held by big financial institutions throughout the world, and a sharp drop in US consumption has hit the countries which relied on exports to the US.

In the case of China, heavily dependent on export to the US, the huge drop in US consumption has caused a sharp fall in exports, which led to unemployment for 20 million migrant workers (nongmin gong). So China is proving a real tinderbox in that, if it fails in implementing an appropriate economic policy, dire social and political turmoil might ensue.

In the case of the EU, the major countries have made injections of huge amounts of public funds and resorted to nationalization of mega banks in the face of the collapse of the financial system, while in the ex-East European countries serious economic crises have occurred through the outflow of foreign capital (this is grimly reminiscent of the financial crisis in interwar Europe which led to WWII). [LG1]  The Czech Republic has asked (rich) Germany for financial aid, but in vain. This state of affairs has the potential to undermine the economic integration that took so long to build.

In the case of Japan, many leading industries, including automobiles and electric goods, have met with massive loss at every door due to a sharp drop in exports. For the sake of survival they have implemented drastic restructuring, which has resulted in a sharp drop in consumption and investment. The depression spiral has thus proved very serious.

 

Economic Policy The fragility of the US financial system was already apparent in the summer of 2007. In October the Citi Group, Merrill Lynch and so forth announced huge losses related to sub-prime loans. March 2008 saw the Bear Sterns crisis, followed by the Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac crises in July. Then, in September, a large-scale meltdown occurred.

The Bush Administration continued to implement “band aid” (patchwork) measures in order to deal with these crises. But the scale of the crises became so large and serious that the administration eventually pushed through Congress the “Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008” on October 3, through which 250 billion dollars were injected into nine mega banks.

The Obama Administration, which took office in February 2009, put forward two economic policies worthy of note. One is explicit revival of large-scale public works, which had so far been sealed off, aiming at creating employment (and at keeping the environment clean) and a tax cut targeting the middle- and low-income classes the “American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009”. The other was a drastic reform of the social security system. These can be evidently described as a modern version of the Keynes-Beveridge System and the New Deal. What saw the revival of Keynes and the New Deal in the mass media was, above all, the advent of the Obama Administration with these policy commitments (just as the Thatcher Government and the Reagan Administration brought about the tide of Neo-Liberalism and Monetarism thirty years ago).

A large-scale fiscal policy (together with a social security system) was, in fact, implemented earlier in China than in the USA. Through the “Reform and Opening” Policy ignited by Deng Xiaoping’s “Let-Some-People-Get-Rich-First” Campaign, China has continued to attain miraculous economic growth over long years, while social troubles (such as the widening gap between rich and poor (entrepreneurs cum cadre men of the Communist Party vs. farmers), environmental pollution[LG2] , the absence of social security, and the distortion of the balance of the genders as a result of the “One Child Policy”) have become ever acuter. Then the great Tsunami hit China as well. Thus a great change in steering the economy has become imperative. (In the 11th National Assembly of the Peoples’ Representatives in March 2009, the total amount of 400 trillion yuan (about 5600 trillion yen) was announced to be spent over the next two years for fiscal policy together with 50 trillion yuan (about 700 trillion yen) for tax cuts, while extension of unemployment insurance as well as medical reform were proposed. In a word, in order to redress the excessive “market economy phenomenon” a sort of Keynes-Beveridge System is going to be introduced (which reminds us of the situation in the UK of the early 20th century).

In the UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown has urged the need to implement active fiscal policy, which signals a transformation from the Neo-Liberalism espoused by the Thatcher Government to Keynesian Social Philosophy.

Contrastingly, the EU is faced with a big dilemma. With the birth of the Euro the steering of monetary policy was delegated to the European Central Bank (ECB). In fiscal policy, the member states are required to maintain balanced budgets, which means that they are no longer free to implement discretionary fiscal policies. There are some differences in power within the EU, and the weaker members are showing some irritation.

The financial summit G20 held in London on April 2, 2009, however, achieved some success, for, to cope with this crisis, it agreed to spend a total sum of 500 trillion dollars [around 50,000 trillion yen] by the end of 2010 (for fiscal policy), to strengthen the regulatory system for the stability of the financial system (in particular, to control hedge funds and tax havens), and to increase the IMF loans to the developing nations.

 

 

3. Turning Point in Social Philosophy

 

In social philosophy the fundamental problems of market society (capitalism) are being addressed: how  should it be evaluated; based on what theory or grounds should it be evaluated; and how should it be reformed based on thos evaluations. Social philosophy extends our exploration to the intrinsic nature of market society, makes value judgments on it, and considers the appropriate behavior. It should be, as Schumpeter puts it, “vision”, and/or something like what is elucidated in the last chapter of the General Theory.

 

3.1 The Collapse of Neo-Liberalism (Market Fundamentalism)

It was the activities of the Monetarists, with Milton Friedman as their guru,  that contributed to the promulgation of Neo-Liberalism, which can be seen as a counterrevolution against both Keynesian economics and the Keynes-Beveridge system. Monetarism delivered a great blow to them by putting forward, on the one hand, a new version of the quantity theory of money and the Natural Rate of Unemployment Hypothesis, and, on the other hand, by advocating Neo-Liberalism such as expounded in, for example, Free to Choose. The movement gathered momentum with the help of political support from the Thatcher Government (UK) and the Reagan Administration (US) in the1980s (On this occasion, Mises and Hayek – the Austrian School - were resurrected from long oblivion).

   From the stream of Monetarism there sprang a group of young economists who shared the Neo-Liberalism and economic policy stance with Monetarism (but differed in economic theory) – namely the New Classical School as represented by Lucas, Kydland and Prescott. It is a group engaged in theoretical and empirical study, believing in the price equilibrating mechanism of the market and the Pareto optimality, and assuming the “(ultra-)rationality” of economic agents (Rational Expectations Hypothesis). Getting a lot of attention, it claimed superiority both in theory as well as in substantive testing over the Keynesian School. It gave Neo-Liberalism added academic prestige, advocating trust in the market system. 

 

What Happened It has been fervently maintained that market society must be a system of self-responsibility: one should confront the future, keeping self-responsibility in mind; success or failure should be attributable to one’s own responsibility; the government should not interfere with the market economy – such are the credo and motto of  Neo-Liberals.

    What has happened in reality? In the present meltdown almost all the American mega-banks and investment banks have solicited the government for bailouts. They had taken pride in making portfolio selection by financial engineering techniques (based on which multi-layered securitized papers went on being issued). However, as soon as their banks were on the brink of collapse, the presidents hurried to the government, asking for huge amounts of public funds (and yet, they have seldom been fired for these blunders).

  One of the causes of this messy state of affairs is ascribable to the fact that the attainment of a “pure market society” has been excessively advocated without paying attention to other things. Excessive liberalization has caused unruly short-term speculative activities, bringing about, on the side of the managerial staff, an atmosphere of negligence of social ethics (and, on the side of the public, dreams of get-rich-quick schemes). The consequence of these behaviors was abandonment of the “Principle of Self-Responsibility” and the pleading with the government for bailout. (The scandal has shaken American society over the behavior of the AIG managerial staff, who, receiving huge sums of public funds, decided to award lavish bonus to themselves. They justified this behavior by arguing for the “redemption of contract”. Here we see the collapse of business ethics).

 The financial crises which have quite often hit the world economy in recent years and, above all, the present one which has been ignited by the collapse of the sub-prime loan system have exposed the fragility of Neo-Liberalism to the public. So far short-run capital operations have been excessively liberalized, and multi-layered securitized papers which have been structured and issued have been praised as proving the victory of financial engineering. Then the meltdown suddenly occurred, and mega financial institutions all over the world went bankrupt. They asked the governments for financial help. The governments responded by injecting huge amounts of public funds, stating that the stabilization of the financial system should be set as top priority. By contrast, many people have been unable to repay their mortgage loans and have faced foreclosure with much debt being still left. The point to stress here is that it is these citizen only who have been asked to observe the “principle of self-responsibility”.

 

  It is worth noting that Neo-Liberalism has involved serious self-contradiction – the phenomenon of market non-existence and that of market opaqueness.

 

The Phenomenon of Market Non-Existence The fundamental problem with securitized papers lies in neglecting the market mechanism per se, betraying the slogan, “Leave everything to the market”. Many multi-layered securitized papers have had no market for pricing from the outset. In the case of collateralized debt obligation (CDO) as representative of securitized papers, the current price has been determined by either a theoretical value according to a pricing model or a reference price proposed by the investment banks. Securitized papers, which have been hailed as top runners of the market economy and crystal of financial engineering, have had no market, and therefore no market mechanism whatsoever.

While the economy was going well (and finance theory was consequently believed to be trustworthy), nobody doubted the value of securitized papers. Once the meltdown occurred, however, the lack of a of market abruptly rose to the surface (because there existed no market, securitized papers were doomed to be wastepaper with no price). “American Financial Accounting Standard Committee No.157” lays down an “evaluation of fair value”,  distinguishing three levels. Level 2 is an “evaluation based on the prices of similar papers transacted in markets” while Level 3 is an “evaluation based on a theoretical model, for there exists no price determined”. The “Bad Bank Plan”, (the Geithner Plan) which the US Administration carried out aimed at the normalization of the financial market through  purchase, by both the government and private investors, of the toxic assets (securitized papers) held by financial institutions. Whatever method might be adopted, however, the administration can find no reasonable price for heavily damaged securitized papers.    

 

  The Phenomenon of Market Opaqueness ― In contrast to the market for manufacturing and service industries, the financial market has gone through a dramatic transformation over these two decades due to deregulation and application of financial engineering. Previously the financing of firms had been procured through bank borrowing, equity and bonds (and this type of financing had been under surveillance by the regulatory agency). Because of the invention and development of securitized papers, however, financing methods have seen surprisingly rapid extension. As a result, the financial market has become ever more diversified and complicated, and supervision by the regulatory agency has become increasingly difficult. This phenomenon or tendency has been applauded as demonstrating the victory of globalization, deregulation and the market over the state.

  And yet this in itself became a major cause of the present crisis. A huge amount of money has flowed into the buying and selling of multi-layered securitized papers, which have been operated by financial institutions (such as hedge funds and structured investment vehicles [SIVs]) beyond the reach of any supervision. They show no “transparency” at all, and have been free from any regulation or supervision. Any information to do with accounting, investment operations and so forth has been hidden behind the scenes. These institutions, characterized by opacity, have grown at an amazing speed, collected huge amount of funds from hidden investors and have entered into speculative operations (simultaneously using leverage). When their activities have brought about a sudden and violent meltdown in financial markets throughout the world, therefore, no government agency has been able to stabilize the markets. All that could be done was symptomatic treatment (band-aid measures).

That is not the whole story. Even the mega deposit banks under the supervision of FRB have been earnestly promoting and selling securitized papers. Escaping from the supervision of the regulatory agencies, they have accelerated the degree of opaqueness by off-balancing themselves with hedge funds, SIVs and so forth. Although the same period saw much talk of “information disclosure” and/or “accountability”, the reverse tendency hasalso been very strong.

 

3.2 The Nature of Market Society

  What are the characteristic features of market society? Let us mention several noteworthy points escaping the attention of Neo-Liberalism.

 

The Path of Market Society ― It is very important to bear in mind the path along which market society has proceeded, where all sorts of things, including even labor (and land) are transacted as goods. World history from the end of the 18th century to the present day might be characterized as the process of other countries’ endeavors to follow the United Kingdom, which had accomplished the Industrial Revolution, in building their market societies. To increase productivity dramatically, to widen and deepen markets through industrialization and to use the fruits of economic growth thus obtained for military and welfare purposes ― such were the goals doggedly pursued by these countries, which were eventually to come to lead and rule the world.  The widening and deepening of market set free the energies from a “devil’s millstone”.[LG3]   

However, it would be an exaggeration to say that the people, letting things go their way, did nothing to change the course of events. In the UK, for example, society has gradually become “milder”, removing the baleful effects of the Industrial Revolution with various kinds of safety nets. In fact, it was only in the third quarter of the 19h century that laissez-faire was fully embraced. Since then some version of collectivism and welfarism have held sway.

In order to succeed in widening and deepening the market while mitigating social unrest, it is indispensable to keep volcanic energies from a devil’s millstone under control. A successful market society did not emerge by simply following the laissez-faire principle. We have often seen how enforcement of the laissez-faire principle without any alleviation has caused social/economic disorder and confusion. The present meltdown is a typical example.

 

The Nature of the Market Society ― What characterizes contemporary market society is, above all, its dynamism. It is dynamic in two senses. On the one hand, through the development of the division of labor and competition, and the technical innovation induced by them, market society brings about economic growth. On the other hand, the widening and deepening of the market eat away and destroy the traditional system with the formidable power of an “unchained Prometheus”.

Because market society has these two features, it has an inherent instability built-in. For any nation setting out to be a successful market society, there remains a formidable task of how to keep “Prometheus” under control (this point of view escapes the attention of Neo-Liberalism). It seems to have been accomplished, for example, in present-day China.

  

Two-Tier System ― Entrepreneurs are required to sail out into new undertakings, which are finally tested and evaluated by the market. It is often overlooked, however, that market society is in fact a two-tier system ― big firms (listed companies) and small/ medium-sized ones (non-listed companies).

 In small/medium-sized firms the position of the top management is quite different from that in big firms. They have the right to make decisions, and must take on the responsibility. When they would like to embark on new ventures, they need to get loans from a bank with their own mortgages pledged as collateral. If they fail in the enterprise, the mortgages are to be foreclosed, and the managers are to wander around the street. 

 It is quite often said that “the capitalistic society is a system based on the principle of self-responsibility”, meaning by this that the consequences, whether good or bad, of decision-making must be borne by the decision makers themselves. Among business organizations as comprising the fundamentals of the market society, however, it is not so much the top managers of big firms as those of small / medium-sized ones who comply (or are forced to comply) with this principle.

 

The Emergence of Inhuman Labor ― It is well known that the position of laborers has strikingly been deteriorated over the past decade. According to the data of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, the number of  non-regular laborers increased from 12.25 million in 1999 to 17.60 in 2008, as a result of which the ratio of regular workers over non-regular workers decreased from 75 to 66 percent.

In Japan, the “Worker Dispatching Undertakings Act” (revised in 1999) is emblematic of the worsened situation of laborers, for it enabled workers to be dispatched to almost all businesses (1.4 million belonged to this category in 2008). This act, under the high-sounding name of “deregulation of the labor market”, has thrust many laborers into conditions similar to those of the one-time proletariat who were not eligible for social security. Under the euphuism of efficiency voiced by the government and the top management, the Japanese economy ― a highly developed market society ― has accepted inhuman working conditions. We should be ashamed of this to our predecessors who made great efforts to create the welfare society.

 

The Similarity between Big Firms and the Bureaucracy – It must be recognized that the difference between the big firms and the bureaucracy, apart from the difference in the principle of action [pursuit of private profit and that of the public good], is surprisingly small.

Until managerial leadership is settled, severe competition might be fought within a firm. Once somebody obtains leadership, he or she comes to enjoy the authority to decide on important strategies. Truly, entrepreneurial activities resemble those of an adventurer whose ship sails out for the unknown world. Managers of big firms, however, are seldom required to take on responsibility even if they make serious mistakes. It is the employees who are forced to bear the burden of the mistakes, losing their livelihood through restructuring.

The bureaucracy has a similar system to big firms in terms of hierarchy and career success. Again, until the bureaucratic leadership is settled, there is fierce competition within an institution. Once somebody rises to the top position, he or she comes to have the authority to decide on important policy issues. And again, policy activities are like the activities of an adventurer in the sense that they will steer the society towards the uncertain future. The top bureaucrats, however, are seldom required to take on responsibility even if they make serious mistakes. It is the public who are forced to take on the burden of the blunder, bearing various kinds of liabilities.

  I have drawn a comparison between big firms and the bureaucracy, for it is not so much the big firms alone as a combination of big firms and the bureaucracy which rules the roost in present market society. Neo-Liberalism, neglecting this real situation of market society, has spread the illusion of the market society – in the US and the UK, among others – that we can and must reduce the role of the government to the minimum level.

 Let us look at the actual world economy. China has, with political unification,[LG4]  attained great economic growth to such a degree to which no nation had ever achieved (now the economic growth rate which Japan had enjoyed in the 1960s looks modest in comparison). Russia has recently recovered, mainly through development of natural resources, from the disorder of a decade ago, under the leadership of Putin (the so-called “Putin’s list” symbolizes it). We also see the sovereign wealth funds (SWFs) such as the Abu DhabiDevelopmental Investment Agency (ADIA) and the Chinese Investment Corporation (CIC), which are attracting great attention in the global economy.

Viewing present-day market society in a global perspective, we cannot ignore these phenomena. The issue of Capitalism vs. Socialism, which was a great controversy in economics, is no longer relevant. Rather, we have another problem the definition of capitalism, for capitalism itself has been greatly transformed and diversified in the process of the present development.

 

 

4. Turning Point in Economics

 

In the preceding section we saw the turning point in social philosophy. However, in order to examine present-day market society we need to go further to economic theory, for it (and  economic policy based on it) has had some influence on the development of market society. In this section, therefore, we will consider how economic theory has evolved.

 

4.1 Looking Back over These Three Decades

The “Neoclassical Synthesis” – the doctrine which has the “general equilibrium theory” at the level of microeconomics and Keynesian theory at the macroeconomic level (IS-LM theory. Also referred to as the “Income-Expenditure Approach”) as its core – enjoyed its heyday until the end of the 1960s, but went into decline in the 1970s. We might say that the thirty years thereafter saw bipolarization in economic theory (and social philosophy). For the sake of convenience, let us examine this period, dividing it into two phases: (i) the internal disintegration of the Neoclassical school in the wider sense, and (ii) the rise of the anti-Neoclassical school.

Criticism of Keynesian theory was initiated by the Monetarists led by Friedman. Heated controversy raged over the Phillips Curve and the Natural Rate of Unemployment Hypothesis between the Keynesian School and Monetarism. Then, Keynesian theory came under heavier fire from the New Classical School, which is closely related to, but does not follow Monetarism in theory. 

The New Classical School has two strands. One is a (monetary) equilibrium theory of the business cycle as represented by Lucas while the other is a real business cycle (RBC) theory as represented by Kydland and Prescott. Although the difference between the two, as the names indicate, lies in whether the true cause of business fluctuations is found in random fluctuations in money stock or those in real variables, the following points are shared in common.  

The New Classical School starts out from the hypothesis that an individual has an ability to form “rational expectations” (“rational” is defined here with a specific implication). It also takes for granted that an individual has an ability to collect and analyze full information about the macro economy. “Rational expectations” per se are a technical assumption of expectations. As they were used in the arena of economic policy, however, they were to have some influence in the real world. Moreover the New Classical School places absolute trust in the equilibrating function of the price mechanism in the market economy.

 In the field of social philosophy the New Classical School advocates Neo-Liberalism, vehemently criticizing discretionary economic policy. It also criticizes forecasting based on the method of econometrics, which developed hand in hand with Keynesian economics – the so-called “Lucas critique”.

The theory of the New Classical School – which takes for granted full employment, Say’s Law, Pareto Optimality, a theory of (expected) utility, “extra” rationality of economic agents and the laissez-faire credo – has come to dominate the scene of economic theory and policy in these three decades. This phenomenon appeared for the first time since the birth of the Neoclassical School in the third quarter of the 19th century. This might be said to be a replacement of Keynesian economics with the New Classical economics in the macroeconomic portion of the Neoclassical Synthesis.

  The New Keynesian School stood against these movements. The adherents of this school pay particular attention to the imperfection of the price mechanism in the market economy, pursuing the cause of various kinds of price inflexibilities. They designate themselves as New Keynesians, for they insist that the most essential feature of Keynesian economics lies in identifying these price inflexibilities. In the field of social philosophy they support discretionary economic policy, and are seen as successors to the old Keynesians (as will be seen below, however, they borrow their main theoretical tools from the New Classical School).

 Another cause of the collapse of the Neoclassical Synthesis can be found in the activities of economists who stood outside it. The disequilibrium economics as represented by Clower and Leijonhufvud, and the Post Keynesian School as represented by Davidson and Mynsky are representatives. Both are sympathetic to Keynes’s own theory and recognize the present relevance of the “original Keynes”, albeit on different grounds. Criticizing both Keynesian economics and Walrasian general equilibrium theory, they tried to build their own theories based on what they believed to be essential in Keynes’s own theory. Thus both are either doubtful or critical of the assumption of full employment, Say’s Law, the Pareto Optimality, utility theory and the “ultra” rationality of economic agents.

  

4.2 The Collapse of the “New Classical School”

The New Classical School has claimed that it can construct a theoretically rigorous model and explain scientifically the actual business cycles based on it (the so-called “Economic Policy Ineffectiveness Proposition” is relevant in this context).

The New Classicals insisted that their models are rigorously and mathematically constructed based on the behavior of economic agents. In fact, however, these models are constructed based on the “macro” economic agent (the “representative household”), which is, moreover, assumed to maximize the expected utility over an infinite period under rational expectations formation. Using these models, they tried to measure the degree of fitness in relation to the actual economy by means of problematic “calibration”.

The method adopted by the New Classicals pays no attention to the relevance ofthe actual economy in which the people cannot help behaving under a uncertain situation. I would like to point out three problems from a methodological point of view.

 

On the Rigorousness of Microfoundations – First let us see the claim that macroeconomics should be rigorously constructed, by means of a deductive method, from microfoundations.

To this end the New Classicals adopt the rational expectation hypothesis. This plays an important role in aggregation from the micro level to the macro level (here various kinds of stochastic variables are assumed to take normal distribution with given averages and variances, the values of which an economic agent is assumed to know). The rational expectation hypothesis also plays a technically important role in ascertaining the dynamic system of the model.

The New Classicals assume and believe that an individual has a (cardinal) utility function, by means of which an individual can determine his/her consumption. Moreover, they claim that their model is rigorous, formulating a utility function in a complicated and disguised way.

  For example, the following type of utility function is assumed from the start.

                 

   Ut = max Etj=0 βju (ct+j, lt+j))        0<β<1 sub="sub">   

  (where β, ct and lt are, respectively, discount factors, consumption and leisure. E is an expectational operator, and U is utility.

     

  The New Classicals claim that the above is more elaborate than, for example, the following, for it takes inter-temporal utilities into account. 

       U= f (c, l)

They share the view with the old Neoclassicals that the essence of the behavior of consumers can be completely expressed in terms of a utility function. They believe, however, that it should be more rigorous, and that this task can be accomplished by formalizing a utility function in a dynamic framework, and introducing more complicated variables (we should not forget that they assume the representative household, whose utility function has an indefinite period of time and is expressed in terms of cardinal utility).

 

On the Rationality of Economic Agents – The New Classicals claim that the model constructed by their method is rigorous, rational and theoretical, for it is deductively derived from rational assumptions.

This model is, however, derived from assuming an economic agent far from any economic one existing in the real world. The economic agent is assumed to have the ability to make terribly complicated calculations. And yet, what he is assumed to aim at shows no difference, in essence, from the maximization of the traditional utility function. The more complicated formula does not reflect the complexity of the real human activities.

 

On the Empirical Sphere – The New Classicals then assemble the macro data corresponding to their theoretical model and try to examine the affinity of it to the actual economy by means of “calibration”. This belongs to the empirical sphere. The question addressed here is whether  the result obtained fits the actual economy or not. However, the problem does not lie here but in the following: What significance on earth can the macro model, which is derived from the unrealistic maximizing behavior of a micro economic agent (the “representative household”), have in studying the business fluctuations of the actual economy?

 

So what can we expect the New Classicals to do now? Are they going to explain the critical situation of the present-day world economy by means of the same theory and method? Or do they  findi some consolation by assuming that the present situation is quite abnormal and no more than temporary, and that soon the economy will return to normalcy? Whichever they choose, what is certain is the fact that neither their theory nor method is adopted in economic prognosis and economic policy in any country of the world. The New Classical School is in a state of collapse under the critical conditions of the world economy.

 

4.3 New Keynesians

The New Keynesians have some influence on the economic policy of the Obama Administration. After describing the features of this school, let us see how we should evaluate it in relation to the present economic crisis.

The New Keynesians, again, take the stance of emphasizing the imperfection of the price mechanism in the market economy, and argue that because of various kinds of price inflexibilities there arises a deficiency in (aggregate) effective demand, and (involuntary) unemployment. They seek to explain why these price inflexibilities occur from the point of view of microfoundations, putting forward various hypotheses (the “Menu Cost” hypothesis for price inflexibility; the “Efficiency Wage” hypothesis for wage inflexibility; the hypothesis of upper inflexibility of interest rate; and so forth). The New Keynesians share a skeptical view of the equilibrating power of the price mechanism of the market economy, admit the existence of “involuntary unemployment”, and negate Say’s Law and the Classical Dichotomy, so in these respects they are in sharp contrast with the New Classicals. In the field of social philosophy they are in a position to approve discretionary economic policy. Thus the New Keynesians can be said to be the successors of  the “(Old) Neoclassical Synthesis”, and their position is therefore often referred to as the “New Neoclassical Synthesis”.

It should be noted, however, that the New Keynesians share important points with the New Classicals, for they fundamentally adopt the tools developed by the New Classicals: (i) the rational expectations hypothesis; (ii) the representative agent; (iii) dynamic general equilibrium analysis (Stiglitz, who calls himself New Keynesian, is an exception. He emphasizes the behavior of the risk-averting firm in uncertain conditions, taking a critical view of the rational expectations hypothesis and the representative agent).

In recent years the New Keynesians have worked out a macroeconomic model, which has become popular in academia as well as among the central bankers. The model, which is regarded as representing the “New Neoclassical Synthesis”, is named a “New IS-LM model” (or “IS-AS-MP model”). It is composed of three equations.

  The first equation is called an IS equation, and is formulated in such a way that the output gap depends on the expected real rate of interest and the expected output gap in the next period (a stochastic variable called “aggregate demand shock” is added). This equation, which is often referred to as the “aggregate demand function”, is derived from the maximization of the expected utility of the household over an indefinite period. Here the price is determined through the “Calvo pricing” (which involves abandonment of a consumption function).

  The second equation is called a “New Keynesian Phillips Curve”, which is formulated in such a way that the rate of inflation depends on the output gap and the expected rate of inflation (a stochastic variable called “aggregate supply shock” is added). It is sometimes called the “aggregate supply function”.

   The third equation concerns determination of the rate of interest. It usually adopts a “Taylor Rule”, according to which the (short-term) rate of interest (the FF rate in the case of the US) is determined by the rate of inflation and the output gap (which means an exclusion of both the liquidity preference function and the quantity theory of money). This method is assumed to be adopted by the monetary authority. [LG5] 

  Although it is named after the IS-LM model of the (Old) Neoclassical Synthesis, this denomination is quite misleading (as is evident from the above explanation).

Having seen what the New Keynesians are, how are we to evaluate them?

    First of all, it should be noted that the present crisis of the world economy is beyond the reach not only of the New Classicals but also of the New Keynesians: we have no economic theory which can explain and address the present crisis.

    That said, there is some room, albeit not a great deal, for coping with this crisis more flexibly on the side of the New Keynesians rather than that of the New Classicals. For, as we saw above, the New Keynesian stance not only admits involuntary unemployment, but also negates Say’s Law and the “Economic Policy Ineffectiveness Proposition”. More importantly, the New Keynesians endorse Keynes’s and Keynesian social philosophy as characterized by pragmatic flexibility.

What is now attracting much attention is fiscal policy, which is, par excellence, Keynesian. A

sharp fall in effective demand implies not so much the problem of optimal dynamic allocation over an indefinite period as that of the role of the government. All the governments in the world now realize that interest rate policy (Taylor rule), inflation targeting and quantity moderation as a non-traditional method cannot be sufficient for the recovery of the economy. Thus fiscal policy, which has been so far “sealed off”, has come to be emphasized, and reference to the multiplier theory is made, for example, in Romer = Bernstein (2009).

The reason why many New Keynesians took part in the Obama Administration lies in the fact that, relatively speaking, the New Keynesians might have a better chance of dealing with this crisis. More importantly, social philosophy to meet the needs of the times could be found on the side of the New Keynesians.

The actual situations of the present economic crisis, however, have gone beyond the economic theory of the New Keynesians. We could rather say that a theory might be rearranged in such a way as justify the effectiveness of fiscal policy.

  

4.4 Where Should Economic Theory Go?

Now that we have made a brief survey of how macroeconomics has proceeded in these three decades, we can see various tasks facing us from now on.

 The New Classicals claim that a macro model can and must be deductively constructed from microeconomic behavior, while the significance of the model in relation to the actual economy is to be evaluated in terms of calibration. We have already pointed out serious flaws in this method, and there is no need to repeat them. It should be added, however, that they seek to justify their “rigorous” model by appealing to a doubtful empiricism at the macro level. This should be a distorted version of logical positivism.

 We cannot trust the future of economic theory to the approach taken by the New Classicals. Economics, which takes for granted the representative household, rational expectations, rigorous formalism, utilitarianism, full employment and Say’s Law, can not put forward policy prescriptions for the present economic crisis (on this point, the New Keynesians are not entirely free from criticism).

What we should aim at is a path following a different course from the above – a path paying attention to the following points: (i) to make the fundamental assumptions more realistic; (ii) not to identify the “pseudo-” rigorousness with “science”; (iii) not to excessively sanctify mathematics, which is a neutral tool, and to build up a theory which takes the ambiguity and the complexity of the actual economy into consideration; (iv) to give more space to the flexibility which language should possess;(v) to give more space to institutions and history; (vi) not to be overindulged in technicalities, although data analysis remains important.

Regarding these points Keynes offers us very important suggestions. His method is well balanced. He had all the knowledge necessary to construct theory, and yet did not indulge in it. He always paid attention to uncertainty, human psychology, institutions and history. From his own philosophical and logical point of view, he criticized the econometric method developed by Tinbergen, and the method of mathematical economics, which aims at [LG6]  quantification for its own sake, declaring that economics should be a “moral science”. At the same time Keynes had a keen flair for observing the actual economy and emphasized the importance of statistics throughout his life. The conditions, which he mentioned, in regard to Marshall, for an excellent economist should also be true of Keynes himself. These qualifications are miserably lacking among the present economists .

 

5. The Present Relevance of Keynes

 

5.1 The Resurgence of Keynes

As the world economic crisis went from bad to worse, reference to Keynes has shown widespread increase. Neo-Liberalists and the New Classicals advocated the laissez-faire principle that if more deregulation was implemented, and more were left to the market, the market society could enjoy unprecedented prosperity. Then the meltdown hit the world economy. Heaps of securitized papers became nothing, followed by massive foreclosures and unemployment. The world economy has plunged into an unprecedented crisis, which has drawn attention back to Keynes, who advocated economic policies to surmount the Great Depression in the 1930s.

While hardly any of the economists were able to do anything for the Great Depression, Keynes deftly put forward his own economic theory and policy proposals. Now the same phenomenon is emerging again, for the insignificance of the established macroeconomics has been exposed in the face of the world economic crisis. The arrogant pretension of “elaboration” has fallen to the ground.

    It is not so much to the New Keynesians as to Keynes that the world has turned. M. Woolf and J. Ackerman declared their abandonment of the Neo-Liberalism they had embraced. R. Shiller and G. Akerlof urged the necessity of implementing Keynesian economic policy. J. Galbraith and P. Krugman also emphasized that Keynesian fiscal policy should be an effective means to tackle the present economic crisis. In October 2008, the (UK) Chancellor of the Exchequer, Darling insisted on the necessity of fiscal policy, praising Keynes. The economic policy staffs of the Obama Administration and many economists who are supportive of it are New Keynesians. The document announced on January 9, 2009, “The Job Impact of the American Recovery and the Reinvestment Program”, in which the Keynesian way of thinking is reflected, was written by C. Romer, Chairperson of the CEA, and became the backbone of President Obama’s economic policy (“American Recovery and Reinvestment Act ”). And so on and so forth.

The fact that Keynes is explicitly referred to in the context of economic policies in the major countries of the world is indicative of the resurgence of Keynes, considering that over the past thirty years Keynes has been attacked and scorned under the dominance of Reaganomics and Thatcherism.

 

5.2 Who is Keynes?

The period, in which Keynes was active, saw efforts to reconstruct the Pax Britannica, which was jeopardized by the First World War. But the period saw the disorder and disintegration of the world aggravated, and led up to the Second World War. In order to surmount these challenging situations, Keynes continued to put forward new economic theories and economic policy proposals (as well as a new world order plan).

As is well known, he was to have great influence on macroeconomics, economic policy and social philosophy with his magnum opus, The General Theory (usually called the “Keynesian Revolution”).

In this book Keynes sees the market economy as possessing two contrasting potentialities8: stability, certainty and simplicity; instability, uncertainty and complexity.

 

Stability, Certainty and Simplicity - Keynes argues that the market economy is equipped with several built-in stabilizers, which run as follows: ((i) The marginal propensity to consume lies between zero and one; (ii) Moderate changes in the prospective yield of capital or in the rate of interest will not cause great changes in the rate of investment; (iii) When the level of employment changes, the change in money wages will be modest; (iv) Capital has the property that fluctuations tend of themselves to reverse. It has, therefore, an inherent tendency to converge to equilibrium. This does not mean, however, that the market economy will reach an optimum (or full-employment) level, but that it will rather stay at underemployment level. This is the normal state of the market economy if it is left to itself.

 Based on this “optimistic” vision, he constructs a theoretical model in which the level of employment is determined where the aggregate demand function intersects the aggregate supply function, incorporating the multiplier theory. The model is built in a simple and straightforward way.

 

Instability, Uncertainty and Complexity - At the same time, Keynes repeatedly argues that the stability toward which the market economy shows a tendency cannot be attained unless some conditions are met; failing these, the market economy is doomed to be unstable. In this respect the market economy is a structure built on fragile foundations that involve uncertainty and complexity.

 Keynes argues that the working of the market economy depends on various psychological and “expectation” factors: short-term expectations; long-term expectations (the marginal efficiency of capital [the precariousness of the foundations upon which prospective yields are estimated] and the nature of the stock market [the danger of speculative activities’ swallowing “enterprise” activities]); the liquidity preference, and user cost. He also refers to “the instability due to the characteristic of human nature that a large proportion of our positive activities depend on spontaneous optimism” (GT, p. 161).

  The other element making the market economy unstable is its vulnerability to large changes in some exogenous variables. Keynes is concerned, above all, with any large change in the quantity of money or in money-wages, for they can cause large changes in expectations. This is why he recommends not a radical but a modest monetary policy.

Furthermore, he time and again argues that the market economy performs in a complex and interactive way. Thus he urges that some destabilizing elements should beeliminated, e.g. by (i) making the stock market less accessible, (ii) introducing governmental management of investment, and (iii) issuing “stamped money”.

In using his own model, Keynes repeatedly reminds us of bearing in mind that the model is no more than a simplification of the actual world, and that if the actual world were to be depicted with veracity it could be done only through an interactive-descriptive method, which goes far beyond any mathematical technique.

 

  In the General Theory Keynes proposes some economic policies in order to conquer the Great Depression. Firstly, he suggests lowering the rate of interest. In order to do so, an increase in money supply (by means of monetary policy) is required. Should the rate of interest be very slow in falling due to the peculiarity of money, a “dated money” plan is put forward. If there is some limit to lowering the rate of interest, then public investment by the government is recommended.

 

In relation to the Great Depression, the paper, “The Theory of Effective Demand”, which was read at the American Political Economy Club in 1934, is worth noting. There, in order to restore the American economy, Keynes emphasizes the need for an increase in government spending through deficit financing. It was also from this point of view that Keynes wrote an open letter to President Roosevelt, which was published in the New York Times.

 

  As is illustrated by his famous catch phrase, “In the long run, we are all dead”, Keynes took a short-run point of view. Assuming the pitfalls of the capitalistic economy to be curable, therefore, he was to work out his economic theory and economic policy based on it.

Keynes was of the opinion that because the competitive market system is subject to instability, it sometimes needs to be rescued by the governmental intervention. He cherished New Liberalism which, in sharp contrast with the present Neo Liberalism, aims at transitioning from “the Era of Abundance” to “the Period of Stabilization”. It advocates a conscious policy of controlling/directing economic powers for the sake of the harmonious combination of social justice and stability with economic efficiency and individual freedom.

 

 6. Conclusion 

What should be emphasized from the outset is the fact that social philosophy, intuition and reality rather than economic theory have contributed to the current turning point. Shocking crisis has hit the economy. Faced with this reality, the “rigorous” model based on the assumption of an “ultra-” rational economic agent has lost face. The New Keynesians, despite borrowing many elements from the New Classicals, have embraced a different social philosophy, which seems to have moved the New Keynesians to a more pragmatic line.

The economic policy now seeing a great revival is fiscal policy. Although it has been sealed off over a long period, it has been implemented, spreading by necessity, throughout the world.

In the case of Japan, consumption and investment have remained low, and exports are in a dire situation due to the collapse of consumption in the US. This sharp drop in effective demand cannot be dealt with by means of monetary policy only. If the government cannot sit and wait, the only remaining means is fiscal policy. The realities are prompting this shift. Although the fiscal policy implemented by the Chinese government might not consciously look to Keynes, it is, in fact, faithfully following his prescription.

Thus it is certain that the “elaborate” economic model cannot get the world moving. Here again, social philosophy has more significance than economic theory. In mainstream economics, economists have paid little attention to this point, for they would be tempted to eschew socio-philosophical problems. As is shown in the last chapter of the General Theory, however, the role played by social philosophy has been great in transforming not only market society but also society in general. Now we are acutely conscious of it.

The critical situation of the present world economy is quite often compared to the Great Depression. True enough, it resembles the Great Depression in the sense that it started in the US, and had repercussions throughout the world.

However, there is a point of difference. The then dominant social philosophy was not so much Neo-Liberalism as New Liberalism. The latter saw the shortcomings of the market system in the growing disparity between rich and poor as well as in the moral code deeply rooted in money making, and aimed at correcting them. The then mainstream economics differed from the current New Classical Economics, being keenly aware of the importance of discretionary economic policy in correcting these shortcomings.

The current economic crisis is the consequence of the unregulated issue of multi-layered securitized papers and the closely related moral hazard brought about by many financial institutions with the support of Neo-Liberalism and the New Classical Economics. Ironically enough, however, we have witnessed the phenomenon of market non-existence and opaqueness.

In what direction will market society move henceforward? What is clear at the moment is the collapse of Neo-Liberalism, and the movement of the market society in a very different direction. In order to prevent the phenomena of market non-existence and opaqueness, to which the excesses of Neo-Liberalism have led, from re-occurring, many governments are moving to improve the financial market in such a way as they can control and oversee it. The “Bad Bank Plan”, which was announced by the US Treasury on March 23, 2009 - the “Geithner Plan” - is a symbolic tower.

Drastic fiscal policy is also being planned and implemented by many governments, including the US, the UK and China.

In the US, the “American Recovery and Reinvestment Act ”, with the total sum of 787 billion dollars, was enacted on February 17, 2009. President Obama is setting priority on increasing employment through public spending on the environmental infrastructure. He also tried to persuade the G20 countries to implement fiscal policy at the level of 2 percent of GDP (although on this point he did not succeed).

  Another important problem concerns the behavior of firms. In these crises many big firms as the representatives of market society have exposed immorality. They had advocated the following: we must make decisions toward the future, bearing the “principle of self-responsibility” in mind; if firms failed in their enterprise, they should disappear through the market mechanism, through which the market society can attain efficiency and growth, and enjoy freedom. However, we are now witnessing that many business leaders, who had been advocating this principle, were the first to plead with the government for financial help, this time bearing the principle of “too big to fail” in mind. Amazingly enough, moreover, having got huge bailouts, they are beginning to display shameless behavior in awarding themselves big bonuses, as is typically seen in the case of AIG. The fact that this kind of injustice, corruption and selfishness has been prevalent in the US business community is an eloquent evidence for us needing a new business model for the future of the market society. If it were not created, the market society would face a more serious problem in the not-too-distant future (In the Financial Times, March 13, 2009, self-repentance of the Anglo-Saxon type managerial system by American managers are taken up).

  The world is facing the turning point.

 

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